What Is Minimum Wage In Nc - Both sides are considering raising the NC minimum wage.
Charlotte, N.C. - Two dozen US states are raising their minimum wages in 2020, but North Carolina will keep it at $7.25 an hour.
What Is Minimum Wage In Nc
In 2019, seven bills were introduced in the state to raise the minimum wage, but none of them passed. Group Action NC is trying to raise it to $15 an hour. Executive Director Pat McCoy said the wage increase will help address Charlotte's affordable housing crisis.
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"People can only pay what they can afford, and that's the poverty wage," McCoy said. "People can't even afford to buy food in it, never mind the high rents in Charlotte."
Donald Bryson of the Civitas Institute said that keeping it at the current level could avoid job losses. He argues against the minimum wage and says employers should pay workers based on their worth.
"Some people are getting higher wages, but a lot of people are not getting paid because they don't have jobs," Bryson said. "If we come to negotiate their wages, we'll see higher wages in places like Raleigh and Charlotte."
The minimum wage for city employees in the city of Charlotte is $16 an hour. The minimum wage in Mecklenburg County is $15 an hour for county employees.
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County raises minimum wage for some full-time public employees County raises minimum wage for some full-time public employees Raising the minimum wage could save more than a million North Carolinians without increasing unemployment. Over the past decade, the average wage for people working in North Carolina has fallen by 10 cents an hour, leading to a year-over-year pay increase that was $200 less in 2018 than in 2009. At the same time, the costs of food, shelter, health care and transportation continue to rise.
Recognizing that public policy can play a role in raising workers' wages, 26 states and the District of Columbia have raised their minimum wages at least once since 2013. The result is as reported in the recently released State of America Wages report. According to the Economic Policy Institute, wages have grown the fastest for workers in the bottom 10.
Percentage of income distribution. Between 2013 and 2018, wages increased 13 percent in states with minimum wage increases, compared to 8.4 percent in states without increases.
In North Carolina, policymakers are considering proposals to raise the minimum wage from $7.25 an hour to $15 an hour by 2024. As outlined in a brief released last week, the measure would benefit 1.6 million workers in North Carolina and give them an hourly wage increase. Way to earn a living wage.
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The Economic Policy Institute estimates that these workers will earn an average of $4,422 more annually as a result of the increase. It will provide enough resources to meet basic needs, such as the cost of standard childcare for three months or rent at fair market rent for five months. People of color—often excluded from high-paying jobs due to historical exclusion, lack of educational opportunities, and persistent discrimination in the labor market—each year take a historically significant step toward overcoming their roots. Earn up to $5,100. Racial wage discrimination
Workers are not the only beneficiaries of such a policy. Businesses benefit directly from the higher wages paid to 1.6 million new customers each year who are likely to spend additional dollars on their goods and services. Thus, rising wages increase business sales, and these sales enable companies to invest and grow. While the Fight for $15 has succeeded in persuading many cities to raise their minimum wages, 23 states have local jurisdictions with preemptive laws banning it. By doing so Photo: UPI/Barcroft Media
Across the South, state legislatures passed 'pre-emption laws' to prevent cities like Democrat-controlled, majority-black Durham from focusing on the fight for $15.
Field Director of the North Carolina NAACP Rev. Curtis Greenwood sang, "Don't Let No One Turn My Way," as he led a chorus of 100 workers and civil rights activists Tuesday evening.
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Dr. Activists packed the historic mahogany church at Durham's Haitian Heritage Center to commemorate Martin Luther King's assassination, renewing their commitment to King's dream and holding a field hearing for low-wage workers.
"Don't let nobody hold me back," the crowd sang. "I'll keep walking and walking in the land of the free." For North Carolina's Fight for $15 activists, the march could be a long one.
Unlike other states, where urban progressive enclaves have raised their minimum wages, workers in North Carolina are legally prohibited from doing so. In 2013, North Carolina's majority-white Republican General Assembly passed a "pre-emption law" that bans cities like Durham, which are predominantly black, at least at the municipal level. Legislation passed to raise wages.
"These laws deny King's heritage and deny human rights," said Abdul Burnett, a chef at Popeyes who has worked in the fast-food industry for 20 years. "That's not true."
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Without those laws, cities like Durham could implement a $15-an-hour minimum wage, activists say. More than 100 employers in the city have already voluntarily agreed to pay increases for their staff as part of the Durham Living Wage campaign. In 2016, the Durham City Council passed legislation raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour for all city employees.
Many say there is political support for wage increases in Durham and other North Carolina cities. However, Republicans, who hold a large majority in the state General Assembly, passed a state law in 2013 that prohibits municipalities from raising their minimum wage above the statewide minimum wage of $7.25.
Durham's story reflects that in progressive urban enclaves in the South, workers believed their cities could earn $15 an hour if they could legally do so. The pre-emption laws are part of a growing trend by anti-union forces to block the Fight for $15 in major cities where Democratic voters control government. Twenty-three states now have minimum wage laws that prevent cities from passing minimum wage increase laws.
Every state in the South has preemption laws, except West Virginia and Arkansas, and efforts are underway to implement them.
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Martin Luther King and other civil rights leaders lead a crowd of millions during the Jobs and Freedom March on Washington in August 1963. Photo: Arnie Sachs/Rex/Shutterstock
Civil and labor rights activists say the laws are a slap in the face to the legacy of King, who was killed during a clean-up strike in Memphis in 1968. At the time, the state of Tennessee did not allow collective bargaining for public employees, but because there was no local precedent law, King and the workers were able to unilaterally grant collective bargaining rights to the city of Memphis.
"[King] will remind us that "[pre-emption laws] are part of a long legacy of state government using power to increase injustice and inequality," said Eric Fink, a labor law professor at Elon University in Greensboro. "It's a way to effectively disenfranchise African Americans, through gerrymandering, voter restrictions, etc."
Across the country, civil rights and labor communities are becoming a battleground, fighting in the courts and in the streets.
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In August 2015, the Birmingham City Council voted to raise its minimum wage to $10.10 an hour. Then, in February 2016, the Republican-dominated Alabama State Legislature voted to pass a law repealing Birmingham's minimum wage hike.
The Alabama NAACP and Ministries of Greater Birmingham sued the state, alleging that the legislation violated federal civil rights law. They claimed that Birmingham's previous minimum wage violated the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which allowed the white Alabama state legislature to override the democratic will of the predominantly black city of Birmingham.
In February, US District Judge R. David Proctor ruled against him and found no evidence of racial discrimination. Civil rights organizations in the state are appealing the decision.
While civil rights and labor groups fought preemption laws in court, they saw little need to win over rural southern whites. For the first time, the Fight for $15 began organizing rural southern whites in towns like Gastonia, North Carolina.
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"We need to get this message out to workers — black, white, and brown — in cities and towns across the state," said North Carolina AFL-CIO Secretary Mary B. McMillian said. Tuesday in Gastonia. "If we want economic justice, we can't just focus on urban areas or one population of workers."
It's a fight that could take years, but many in North Carolina say they're ready.
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